优秀的英语演讲稿

时间：2022-09-27 09:03:44 演讲稿我要投稿

优秀的英语演讲稿

　　演讲稿是为了在会议或重要活动上表达自己意见、看法或汇报思想工作情况而事先准备好的文稿。在当下社会，演讲稿应用范围愈来愈广泛，怎么写演讲稿才能避免踩雷呢？以下是小编帮大家整理的优秀的英语演讲稿，仅供参考，欢迎大家阅读。

优秀的英语演讲稿

优秀的英语演讲稿1

老师们，同学们，我亲爱的战友们：

　　大家好!

　　今天我们齐聚一堂，我们即将奔赴战场。此时此刻，让我想起了前天看的电视剧康熙王朝，讲到施琅即将出兵攻打中国台湾，出发前，命所有的士兵大声呐喊，要喊出气势，这还不曾发炮，就要在气势上压倒敌人——中国台湾的郑经。那么，大家说，施琅要的是什么?

　　好，精气神。那么，今天，我们要的是什么?对，依然是，精气神。那你能同我一起呐喊吗?好，来来来。我们要喊出我们桥中人的气魄，展现出桥中高三人的精气神：我们，我们是同一战壕的勇士;我们，我们是桥中的骄傲!

　　今天，在这个庄严而又难忘的时刻，作为一线教师，面对全体同学，面对学校、年级的领导，我们庄严承诺——我们全体教师仍将会一如既往地踏实工作;我们会刻苦钻研，耐心辅导，通力合作，随时关注高考动态，采集高考最新信息，不漏掉每一个问题，不放弃你们中的任何一个人。请你们记住，在这87天里，我们全体教师将时刻与你们同在，以最优秀的教学质量、最无私的投入、最真挚的情感与你们同舟共济!永远做你们最坚强、最可信赖的后盾!同学们，你知道吗?我的'喜悦来自哪里?对，你们的改变!当你们真正地做到了“静下心，坐得住，潜心学习”的时候，那是我最快乐的时候。20xx年2月27日，正月初九，我们开始上课了，我满怀信心地步入我的课堂，踏上三尺讲台——在我的内心，这就是我的殿堂，我的舞台。可当我讲得兴趣正浓时，有些同学嘻嘻哈哈的表情、左顾右盼的寻找他的目标的时候，我的心很是纠结，Duang的一下：是我讲得不好，亦或是你全然没有大战在即的意识?下课了，我在沉思，自己哪里备课不够充分，我到底该如何改进?我到底该如何真正地吸引你的注意力——哪怕只有20分钟?自习课上，当我一次又一次地把你从睡梦中死死地拽出来的时候，我又一次陷入沉思中，我知道了，原来真的是你，自己把自己丢弃!是你，放弃了自己!曾经的你，踏入桥中时，信誓旦旦，你的豪言壮到底去了哪里?曾经的你，稳坐桌前，潜心读书，我到底还能再次看到这种场景吗?你们说，能不能? (能!)是啊，在这短短的87天里，我们仍对你充满期待，期待你的改变!你的改变，我们铭记于心。

　　那一天，我看到了这样一个场景：高三4班，一个还曾在上学期的课堂上，东张西望，“左右逢源”的大男孩，今天，静静地坐在课桌旁，认认真真地读完型填空，很负责任的写下了一个又一个答案;自习课上，我再也没有见到他“只看不动笔”的情形，相反，他边思索边计算，他就是高三(4)班的吴胜旭;我这还有一个他，他不喜欢英语，更不喜欢我这个英语老师，这是我的感觉，前几天，他居然拿出了英文词典，逐个查阅单词，我笑了，笑得好甜好美，在心底乐开了花!他就是陈兴。同学们!我要告诉你的就是你点点滴滴的改变真的能带给我们无限的快乐!我坚信，在这87天里，我们一定能收获满满的幸福与快乐!

　　同学们，在你的身边，我的眼前，有许许多多桥中人的骄傲：有锲而不舍，永不放弃的李子闯、卢学文、刘晓彤、赵胤、李帅、陈俊瑶、蔡梦颖、马艺书;还有抓紧一切时间，全心投入到学习中的刘丹阳、夏朝阳、王天赐、周建、杨世光、贾丽娜、付宇成、孙颖、候峥;他们，他们就是我们的榜样!我们的榜样，就在身边，就在眼前!所以，我要说，只要你想，只要你脚踏实地地去做，奇迹就会发生!我相信，你们87天无悔的付出一定能带来奇迹!

　　20xx年3月9日，也就是前天周一的晚自习值班，离下课还有两分钟，我抬头往下环顾，一秒、两秒、三秒……一个小男孩看了我一眼，又快速地低下了头;一秒、两秒、三秒……又有一个大男孩看了我一眼，也低下了头。除此之外，无一人抬头，大家仍埋头看书写字。同学们，你知道我要说什么吗!我要说，这就是我们想要看到的学习氛围“静下心，坐得住，潜心学习”。

　　这，就是我们桥中人想要的氛围;这就是我们桥中人想要的改变!一个又一个的改变，一个又一个的高三勇士，你们真真的是我们的亲学生，所以我要问：亲，你准备好了吗?(准备好了)

　　你们就是桥中的勇士!

　　有勇士在，87天，我们风雨同舟，一起走过!

　　有勇士在，87天，我们引吭高歌，燃烧火热的激情，奋斗不止，拼搏不休!最后，祝愿全体同学心想事成，金榜题名!祝愿我的战友健康、快乐、幸福!祝愿我们的桥中更加美好!

　　谢谢大家!

优秀的英语演讲稿2

　　They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1954 -- in 1945 rather -- after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China -- for whom the Vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

　　For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

　　After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

　　The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

　　So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

　　What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?

　　We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

　　Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers.

　　Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call "VC" or "communists"? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the North" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

　　How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

　　Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

　　So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

　　Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

　　Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than eight hundred, or rather, eight thousand miles away from its shores.

　　At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

　　Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

　　This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote:

　　Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism .

　　If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

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